Suchergebnisse

International audience ; Established in 1919 by Part XIII of the Treaty of Versailles, the ILO is the result of a political compromise intended to meet the expectations of public opinion while avoiding a major social crisis in a context of demobilization and Communist revolutionary contagion. In the short time of the social history of the industrial world, its creation is a continuation of the nebulous reformer of the social question, as in the dynamics impelled by the international trade union movement during the war. Conceived as a tripartite organization associating employers and workers representatives with States, it focuses its activity on the elaboration of international labor legislation which it bases on humanist values and a fundamental principle inscribed in the first lines of the preamble of the Part XIII: the indissoluble link between the promotion of social justice and the establishment of universal peace. The present study is based on the examination of these legal productions which account for the polemical nature of the debates which cross and surround the nascent institution, in particular in the Twenties. At the same time, they legitimize the ILO as the site of a deeply innovative experience in the field of contemporary international relations which would illustrate a questioning of the presuppositions of the Westphalian system brought about by the growing interdependence of societies and states . By inscribing this organization in a temporality of modernity, this production translates the significance of political and social issues in legal discourse. The empirical and concrete character of the legitimation process is illustrated by the validation of practices contested by certain socio-professional groups, or by certain States, by the voice of diplomats or licensed jurists, which concern the nature of the institution, its areas of competence and its normative capacity. ; Instituée en 1919 par la Partie XIII du Traité de Versailles, l'OIT (ILO) est le résultat d'un compromis politique destiné à répondre à l'attente des opinions publiques tout en évitant une crise sociale majeure dans un contexte de démobilisation et de contagion révolutionnaire communiste. Dans le temps court de l'histoire sociale du monde industriel, sa création s'inscrit dans la continuité de la nébuleuse réformatrice de la question sociale, comme dans la dynamique impulsée par le mouvement syndical international pendant la guerre. Conçue comme une organisation tripartite associant aux Etats des représentants patronaux et ouvriers, elle centre son activité sur l'élaboration d'une législation internationale du travail qu'elle fonde sur des valeurs humanistes et un principe fondamental inscrit dans les premières lignes du préambule de la Partie XIII : le lien indissouble existant entre la promotion d'une justice sociale et l'établissement d'une paix universelle. La présente étude se fonde sur l'examen de ces productions juridiques qui rendent compte du caractère polémique des débats qui traversent et entourent l'institution naissante, notamment dans les années vingt. Ils procèdent dans le même temps à une légitimation de l'OIT comme lieu d'une expérience profondément innovante dans le domaine des relations internationales contemporaines qui illustrerait une remise en cause des présupposés du système westphalien induite par l'interdépendance croissante des sociétés et des Etats. En inscrivant cette organisation dans une temporalité de la modernité, cette production traduit la prégnance des enjeux politiques et sociaux dans le discours juridique. Le caractère empirique et concret du processus de légitimation s'illustre par la validation de pratiques contestées par certains groupes socio-professionnels, ou par certains Etats, par la voix de diplomates ou de jurisconsultes patentés, qui concernent la nature de l'institution, ses domaines de compétence et sa capacité normative.

International audience ; Established in 1919 by Part XIII of the Treaty of Versailles, the ILO is the result of a political compromise intended to meet the expectations of public opinion while avoiding a major social crisis in a context of demobilization and Communist revolutionary contagion. In the short time of the social history of the industrial world, its creation is a continuation of the nebulous reformer of the social question, as in the dynamics impelled by the international trade union movement during the war. Conceived as a tripartite organization associating employers and workers representatives with States, it focuses its activity on the elaboration of international labor legislation which it bases on humanist values and a fundamental principle inscribed in the first lines of the preamble of the Part XIII: the indissoluble link between the promotion of social justice and the establishment of universal peace. The present study is based on the examination of these legal productions which account for the polemical nature of the debates which cross and surround the nascent institution, in particular in the Twenties. At the same time, they legitimize the ILO as the site of a deeply innovative experience in the field of contemporary international relations which would illustrate a questioning of the presuppositions of the Westphalian system brought about by the growing interdependence of societies and states . By inscribing this organization in a temporality of modernity, this production translates the significance of political and social issues in legal discourse. The empirical and concrete character of the legitimation process is illustrated by the validation of practices contested by certain socio-professional groups, or by certain States, by the voice of diplomats or licensed jurists, which concern the nature of the institution, its areas of competence and its normative capacity. ; Instituée en 1919 par la Partie XIII du Traité de Versailles, l'OIT (ILO) est le résultat d'un compromis politique destiné ...

International audience ; Established in 1919 by Part XIII of the Treaty of Versailles, the ILO is the result of a political compromise intended to meet the expectations of public opinion while avoiding a major social crisis in a context of demobilization and Communist revolutionary contagion. In the short time of the social history of the industrial world, its creation is a continuation of the nebulous reformer of the social question, as in the dynamics impelled by the international trade union movement during the war. Conceived as a tripartite organization associating employers and workers representatives with States, it focuses its activity on the elaboration of international labor legislation which it bases on humanist values and a fundamental principle inscribed in the first lines of the preamble of the Part XIII: the indissoluble link between the promotion of social justice and the establishment of universal peace. The present study is based on the examination of these legal productions which account for the polemical nature of the debates which cross and surround the nascent institution, in particular in the Twenties. At the same time, they legitimize the ILO as the site of a deeply innovative experience in the field of contemporary international relations which would illustrate a questioning of the presuppositions of the Westphalian system brought about by the growing interdependence of societies and states . By inscribing this organization in a temporality of modernity, this production translates the significance of political and social issues in legal discourse. The empirical and concrete character of the legitimation process is illustrated by the validation of practices contested by certain socio-professional groups, or by certain States, by the voice of diplomats or licensed jurists, which concern the nature of the institution, its areas of competence and its normative capacity. ; Instituée en 1919 par la Partie XIII du Traité de Versailles, l'OIT (ILO) est le résultat d'un compromis politique destiné ...

This article seeks to approach the process of institutionalization of International Relations as an autonomous discipline in Colombian higher education. We analyzed undergraduate programs through their location, nature of the university, denominations, justifications, and the basic core of knowledge and highquality accreditation. As a result, we obtained that, since the end of the nineties, the offer of International Relations programs has increased considerably and this has allowed the institutionalization of the discipline, which has materialized in official decisions and the strengthening of an epistemic community. Likewise, we identify a notable centralization of International Relations training in the country's capital, as well as a concentration of its offerings in private universities and very few programs with high quality accreditation. Although this panorama reflects a disciplinary strengthening, there also persists a notable heterogeneity with respect to the conceptions that universities have about International Relations around its place in the social sciences (as part of Political Science, as an autonomous discipline or as a multidisciplinary project) ; El artículo busca aproximarse al proceso de institucionalización de las relaciones internacionales como una disciplina autónoma en la educación superior colombiana. Se analizan los programas de pregrado a través de su localización, la naturaleza de la institución, denominaciones, justificaciones, núcleo básico de conocimiento y la acreditación de alta calidad. Como resultado, se obtiene que, desde finales de la década de los noventas, la oferta de programas de relaciones internacionales ha aumentado considerablemente y esto ha permitido la institucionalización de la disciplina, lo que se ha materializado en decisiones oficiales y el fortalecimiento de una comunidad epistémica. Asimismo, identificamos una notable centralización de la formación en relaciones internacionales en la capital del país, así como una concentración de su oferta en universidades privadas y muy pocos programas con acreditación de alta calidad. Si bien este panorama refleja un fortalecimiento disciplinar, también persiste una notable heterogeneidad con respecto a las concepciones que las universidades tienen sobre las relaciones internacionales alrededor de su lugar en las ciencias sociales (como parte de la ciencia política, como disciplina autónoma o como un proyecto multidisciplinar).

The paper aims to answer the question why the process of institutionalization of the EU's external relations with its six neighboring countries, representing the Eastern dimension of European Neighborhood Policy (i.e., Armenia, Azerbaijan, Belarus, Georgia, Moldova and Ukraine), has failed to perform its stabilization role. The study is analytical and descriptive in nature. Its results indicate three reasons for which the aforementioned institutionalization process has not been successful, and thus – the EU's neighborhood has become even more unstable than it was over a decade ago. The first reason is rooted in the applied integration model. The model expected the EU's neighbors to undergo deep reforms, without offering them the EU membership 'reward'. In this regard, the EU's offer not only failed to meet the expectations of the neighbors in question, but also appeared to be partly misunderstood. In consequence, the Eastern ENP countries considered the decision on their potential EU membership to be exclusively political, as well as underestimated the importance of the previously agreed reforms. As regards the second reason for the unsuccessful development of the institutionalization process, the Eastern ENP countries found it very difficult to reach a high level of 'embeddedness' of the transferred formal institutions in their socio-economic environment. Finally, the institutionalization process has also faced difficulties due to the geopolitical rivalry between the EU and Russia over the region. The actions and policies undertaken by Russia not only influenced the (political and economic) decisions of the EU's Eastern neighbors, but also clearly showed that the institutionalization of their relations with the EU neither provided for them protection nor guaranteed defense. According to the presented theoretical approach, this serves as an explanations why the stabilization function of the institutionalization process was not able to perform its role.

The paper aims to answer the question why the process of institutionalization of the EU's external relations with its six neighboring countries, representing the Eastern dimension of European Neighbourhood Policy (i.e., Armenia, Azerbaijan, Belarus, Georgia, Moldova and Ukraine), has failed to perform its stabilization role. The study is exploratory and descriptive in nature. Its results indicate three main reasons for which the aforementioned institutionalization process has not been successful, and thus – the EU's neighbourhood has become even more unstable than it was over a decade before. The first reason is rooted in the applied integration model. The model expected the EU's neighbours to undergo deep reforms, without offering them the EU membership 'reward'. In this regard, the EU's offer not only failed to meet the expectations of the neighbours in question, but also appeared to be partly misunderstood. In consequence, the Eastern ENP countries considered the decision on their potential EU membership to be exclusively political, as well as underestimated the importance of the previously agreed reforms. As regards the second reason for the unsuccessful development of the institutionalization process, the Eastern ENP countries found it very difficult to reach a high level of 'embeddedness' of the transferred formal institutions in their socio-economic environment. Finally, the institutionalisation process has also faced difficulties due to the geopolitical rivalry between the EU and Russia over the region. The actions and policies undertaken by Russia not only influenced the (political and economic) decisions of the EU's Eastern neighbours, but also clearly showed that the institutionalisation of their relations with the EU neither provided for them protection nor guaranteed defence. According to the presented theoretical approach, this serves as an explanations why the stabilisation function of the institutionalization process was not able to perform its role.DOI: ...

The US President Carter signed the Taiwan Relations Act (TRA) into law in April 1979. As the TRA approached its tenth anniversary, Taipei-Washington relations have moved from the initial stage of uncertainty to an era of growing institutionalization. The paper discusses functions of the TRA, the ROC's and USA's presence in Asia, the issue of US arms sales to the ROC, recent political developments in the ROC among other topics. (DÜI-Sen)

The institutionalization of business-government relations has acquired a global character and has spread not only in the developed Western countries but in Latin America too. Informal practices are being replaced by the formalization of lobbying in business-government relations. Using the example of Chile and Peru, which were among the first in the region to embark on the path of forming an open and transparent system of business-government relations, this article analyzes the legal regulating of lobbying. The subject of comparative analysis is the lobbying laws is these states. The features of formal lobbying institutionalization are identified on the basis of the following criteria: interpretation of lobbying and lobbying activities, subjects and objects of lobbying, requirements for actors, ways and opportunities for their communication, and sanctions for non-compliance with these norms.